Wandering China

An East/West pulse of China's fourth rise from down under.

[Singapore’s Lee Hsien-Loong in dialogue with senior Chinese party officials in Beijing] China ‘faces challenges within itself’ [Straits Times]

Greater China sphere: In China to affirm bilateral ties, Singapore’s prime minister left Beijing Friday September 7th after a six-day official visit. During his stay, he met with China’s top leaders Hu Jintao, Wen Jiabao, Vice Premier Li Keqiang and top legislator Wu Bangguo. On top of Beijing he also visited Sichuan Province to the southwest and Tianjin Municipality up north. Of course, the symbolic gesture has been the arrival of pandas from China as token making Singapore the seventh recipient of panda diplomacy.

Here’s a broad sweep of state media coverage on Lee’s visit.

Chinese state media

Xinhua – Chinese vice premier meets Singaporean PM (September 7, 2012)
Xinhua – China’s top legislator [Wu Bangguo] meets Singaporean PM (September 7, 2012)
China Daily – Premier Wen calls for further co-op with Singapore (September 6, 2012)
Global Times – Chinese premier calls for further cooperation with Singapore (September 7, 2012)
People’s Daily – repeated articles from Xinhua

Singapore state media
Straits Times – China ‘faces challenges within itself
Today Online – From economic ties to traffic management: PM Lee highlights how bilateral cooperation between China and Singapore has evolved at end of official visit

Facing west, however – A report by the two million-readership New Yorker (September 7, 2012) featured the headline Singaporean Tells China U.S. Is Not in Decline. It focused on the Singapore prime minister’s speech (first was in 2005) at the Central Party School under the theme “China and the World – Prospering and Progressing Together“.

BEIJING — In an unusual public airing of strategic problems surrounding China’s rise, the prime minister of Singapore, Lee Hsien Loong, warned China on Thursday that it should view the United States not as a declining power, but as a nation with the ability to innovate and bounce back.

Is Singapore in a position to ‘warn‘ China? Many years ago, what Lee Kuan Yew had to say, Deng Xiaoping was stirred to listen.

But at best, it represented a scalable model where authoritarian capitalism (with some room for deliberation) could work in, albeit in a very finite space of just 600+km2. For twenty years since official ties were made the Chinese have been sending its mayors to Singapore for training That is probably one of the few valued contributions Singapore can provide in the mind of the Chinese. Further down the road, does the relationship between the younger Lee and China simply carry the same resonance? Perhaps what is lacking is the interpersonal relationship with key figures that his father had.

Indeed, the little red dot requires a myriad of interlocking regional strategic engagements to keep it safe – it has to stay ‘as neutral as possible’ despite its obvious Chinese-majority population and ruling class while providing the US naval support since the 60s.

Here is a link to the full speech here (in Chinese with the English translation)-
I think the NY Times does stir with fourth estate dyslexia by couching the speech as a warning.

A scan of the speech will reveal the overarching theme is interdependence and some pointers Lee Hsien-Loong sees as necessary bilateral Sino-US ingredients for a stable environment for Singapore to continue to thrive. With a minute domestic market dependent on imports for natural resources, Singapore’s ingredient for survival is to avoid and help manage conflict at all cost. So – Warning, it is not.

It hardly makes sense for Singapore to stand up to, for there is little strategic leverage in, ‘warning’ China. It understands China’s position as it shares cultural traits and arguably a lasting one-party model (China’s from 1949, Singapore’s from 1965). However, by tapping on memories of its long history of western education since 1819, the Singaporean perspective can offer useful pointers on keeping an East-West equilibrium for the region.

Thoughtful Americans, both Democrat and Republican, also understand that any attempt to contain China is doomed to fail. US-China relations in the 21st century cannot be compared to ties between the US and the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Trade between the US and Soviet Union was negligible, and nuclear deterrence was the primary stabilising factor. Today, China and the US are profoundly intertwined, and their relationship is stabilised by mutual economic dependence. The US cannot hold China back without hurting itself at the same time. Neither would European or Asian countries join such a misguided effort to contain China. My Foreign Minister stated this view clearly in a widely reported speech in Washington earlier this year, a view which many American officials accepted. Ultimately, both China and the US must develop a new modus vivendi that reflects current realities and benefits both sides.  Lee Hsien-Loong, at the Central Party School

– – –

China ‘faces challenges within itself’
This is an excerpt from a transcript of a dialogue Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong had with senior Chinese party officials at the Central Party School in Beijing on Thursday.
Source – Straits Times, published September 8, 2012

China and Singapore started the Tianjin Eco-City project in 2007. PM Lee said Singapore would like its cooperation with China ”to develop into new areas which are relevant to both sides as our societies change”. — ST PHOTO: LIM WUI LIANG

Bilateral ties between China and Singapore are good, but both countries have differing views on some important regional and global issues. How do you think we can communicate and work better on these issues? How do you see the relationship between Singapore and China going forward?

PM Lee: China is a big country growing rapidly. Singapore is a small country also seeking to prosper in Asia. We wish Asia to be stable, and the region to be open and prosperous together.

Nobody wants to see a conflict in the South China Sea, but our position cannot be the same as China’s position simply because China is a claimant-state. Singapore is not a claimant-state. Therefore Singapore cannot take sides or judge the merits of the different claims to the South China Sea.

But Singapore believes, as I have explained, that disputes should be settled in accordance with international law, especially the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea – and to be settled peacefully. Freedom of navigation must be preserved whatever the outcome of the territorial disputes.

And Asean has to play a role, one that is constructive, neutral, forward-looking and encouraging solutions of the problem. This is not exactly the Chinese position but I don’t think this is contrary to China’s position, or to China’s interests.

As for our bilateral relationship with China, it is one of our most important external relationships. China is a very big factor in the economy, in the security, in the stability of the region. At the strategic level, we want China to succeed and to prosper because we think that is the best for the world.

On the bilateral level, we would like our cooperation to develop into new areas which are relevant to both sides as our societies change, as new needs emerge.

That’s why we are pursuing new projects like the High-Tech Innovation Park or the Tianjin Eco-City. That’s also why in our bilateral cooperation, we have been talking about new areas – for example, management of social development and promotion of social harmony.

I think that there will always be new mountains to climb in our bilateral relationship.

Singapore is an important member of Asean, and plays an important role in Asia-Pacific. PM Lee’s views on regional issues carry much weight too. Asean countries face developmental problems and there are tensions between China and some Asean members. Some have questioned Asean’s usefulness and even asked if China should continue to support Asean’s growth. What are your views?

It is good for the region to have a cohesive and effective Asean. There will always be some issues between individual countries. I think that is the nature of international relations or human relations. Asia needs to build a framework to maintain the prosperity and stability which we enjoy today. It will not remain as it is, or automatically adjust by itself.

The framework depends on what the foreign policy people call “Asean centrality”, which means Asean is the partner around which all the other major countries gather, cooperate and talk with one another. Asean is neutral, Asean is friends with all the major countries, Asean doesn’t take sides, and I think Asean provides the basis for an effective regional architecture to form. Without Asean forming the centre of this cooperation, around which others can participate, I don’t believe that any other country or any other power can play that role. The United States, China, Japan cannot play that role.

On individual disputes, Asean doesn’t take sides on the merits of the disputes, but Asean can exercise a moderating influence, and provide a framework within which issues can be discussed and, we hope, peacefully managed, if not totally resolved.

If Asean does not play that role, and it is completely on the basis of one versus one, you may be able, as a big country, to have an advantage on that issue.

But I think in terms of the overall strategic balance in the region, the overall atmosphere or confidence and peaceful competition, I think China will lose out.

To maintain a balance over a long period of time is not just a matter of power, it’s also a matter of influence and acceptance. And also a certain width and depth of perspective that looks beyond the immediate issue.

How do I want this to look like over the next 10, 20, 30 years? What can I do so that in 30 years’ time, we will still be welcomed and still be a friendly partner to many other countries in the world?

Why is it that after 60 years, the Americans are still welcomed in the region? Because although they were overwhelmingly powerful, there was room for other countries to grow and to expand their interests, and to compete peacefully with one another. And so people appreciate the American presence and so they are welcomed.

If it were not so, I think there would have been great resistance from long ago. So there are friendly relations. The 7th Fleet is present in the region, but the 7th Fleet is not what keeps individual countries in line. The 7th Fleet is not a key factor why the US has become a Pacific power.

That is what you have to think about when you are dealing with the South China Sea issue. Shoals are important, oil wells and gas underneath the sea are also important – but the long-term standing of China, not just in Asia but also in the world, I think, is critical.

In interviews before your visit, you said it is difficult for China to understand how it is viewed by others. How do you and Singaporeans view China? How does the world view China, and how should China interact with the world?

First, from Singapore’s perspective, there is enormous admiration for what China has done. There is a certain pride that Asians are able to stand up and show that they are as good as any in the world. And they look forward to China continuing to progress.

We see China as a great opportunity for investments, for trade, for tourism.

But I think we also see China as competition, because China will do things soon – or are already doing things – which we are doing for a living. We have to keep on moving forward if we are not going to have our lunch eaten by somebody else.

And this is not just at the national, macro level but at the individual, personal level. People make friends with Chinese, they marry one another, they work for one another, because many Singapore companies employ Chinese workers or engineers or managers.

But at the same time, they also feel competition from the Chinese. They feel a threat, that these are people not quite the same as us because we have grown up differently; who are very capable; very hardworking; and who have to integrate into our society in a way which maintains the balance, without pushing us over and changing too fast, and changing our character.

So from the point of view of other countries looking at China, I think it would be helpful if they can understand that China actually has considerable challenges within itself, which it has to tackle: whether it’s ageing, agricultural reform, political issues, or structural economic dangers which are deep and difficult. At the same time, they see China as being a fierce competitor.

As Premier Wen (Jiabao) often says, in China, every good thing is divided by 1.3 billion times, and every problem is multiplied by 1.3 billion times, because it is such a huge country. And there is truth in that.

From China’s point of view, I think it would be helpful, although it is not easy to achieve, to understand how huge your impact is on other societies, and other peoples.

Look at the anxiety which arises from ordinary people in the US, for example. If you buy clothes, they come from China. If you happen to buy your uniform, they come from China, and Olympic uniforms too.

Everything is being done by China. You are doing research and development, the Chinese do research and development. You are doing space science, Chinese are doing space science. So the perception is anything they can do, China can do better.

It’s not completely true, but it’s their fear. And that’s what you have to address and reassure, and appear human and on the same wavelength, able to work in international community with other countries for common interests over a long period of time.


Filed under: ASEAN, Beijing Consensus, Channel News Asia, Charm Offensive, China Daily, Chinese Model, Collectivism, Confucius, Culture, Domestic Growth, East China Sea, Economics, Environment, Finance, global times, Government & Policy, Greater China, Hu Jintao, Influence, International Relations, Media, New York Times, Overseas Chinese, Peaceful Development, Politics, Public Diplomacy, Resources, Singapore, Soft Power, South China Sea, Straits Times, Tao Guang Yang Hui (韬光养晦), Territorial Disputes, The Chinese Identity, The construction of Chinese and Non-Chinese identities, Trade, U.S., , , , , , , , , ,

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